Vinsamlegast notið þetta auðkenni þegar þið vitnið til verksins eða tengið í það: http://hdl.handle.net/1946/16164
This thesis explores the phenomenon of verb-second imperative clauses in Modern High German as well as in Old Norse.
While imperative clauses in the Germanic languages typically begin with a verb in imperative mood, both Old Norse and Modern High German feature some imperative clauses with regard to which this is not the case. These imperative clauses variously feature constituents such as a pronominal subject, an object noun phrase, an adjective or various other (and especially in the case of German, sometimes more complex) constituents as entities that may precede the imperative verb in an imperative clause.
First, it will be analysed in separate chapters which types of constituents are allowed in these clauses in Old Norse, before a short look on Modern Scandinavian and especially Modern Icelandic is taken. After this, the Modern High German situation will be demonstrated, upon which similarities and differences in the distribution of constituents preceding an imperative verb between Modern High German and Old Norse can be evaluated.
As will turn out, a special class of (most often verb-second) imperative clauses, namely imperatives in complement clauses (that-clauses), occurs in Old Norse as well as older West Germanic varieties, but is entirely absent from Modern High German. Because of the typological rarity of this kind of clause, a separate chapter will be dedicated to the discussion of this kind of construction in Old Norse as well as similar clauses in Old Saxon and Old High German.
After this, an attempt to explain the pragmatic contexts in which verb-second imperative main clauses occur is made, revealing significant similarities between the attested clauses of this kind in Old Norse and the situation in Modern High German.