Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/1946/22674
Within the field of linguistics, the makeup of the Complementizer Phrase (CP) layer of the clause has been an issue of recurring debate. Being dependent upon the CP, the structure of relative clauses has been particularly contentious. Two different analyses – raising and matching – have received attention as plausible approaches, but both have also faced considerable criticism.
This thesis concurs with criticism from Newmeyer (2004) and Sobin (2003) that CP layer is not split in the way that Rizzi (1997) hypothesizes, and determines that van Craenenbroeck’s (2007) alternative split CP model also faces obstacles. However, I argue that the CP layer can still accommodate more projections than assumed in a traditional CP analysis, particularly with relative clause constructions. I propose a Bisecting CP Hypothesis which allows for reconstruction of the internal relative clause head in an analogous way as the matching and raising analyses, but which eliminates the stipulation of matching and addresses the issue of case and theta assignments, an area largely ignored by raising.
The Bisecting CP Hypothesis effectively unifies the raising and matching analyses of relative clauses. Implications of this thesis extend to the analysis of wh-pronouns and wh-interrogatives, to the D-linking of wh-phrases, and to free relative derivation